Porta Nuova presente alle elezioni comunali del 2011
L'annuncio ufficiale è venuto dallo stesso presidente dell'Associazione civica, Michele Celenza. Pronti ad allearsi con chiunque, al di là di ogni dicotomia destra-sinistra, ma solo sulla base di un forte patto di programma.
L’Associazione civica Porta Nuova annuncia la propria partecipazione alle prossime municipal elections.
1. About Us. We have always defined a volunteer working in the field of politics. Our goal is to increase the city's civil. Growth civil means for us to escape from a local tradition (and not just local) delegation, clientelism, a sterile protest or quick removal from public life. I think this is the first emergency-even if not declared, of our city. Without civil growth is impossible to build anything lasting, as good and honest, and be of any color, administrators.
In eight years of activity we fought because some foundational assumptions of democracy such as information ai cittadini, la partecipazione diretta, il rispetto della legalità, fossero garantiti non solo a parole. Da qui sono nate quelle che abbiamo chiamato le nostre battaglie –battaglie non antagoniste- di civiltà. Queste ci hanno portato ad affrontare decine di temi, tra i quali: il centro storico, la tutela dell’ambiente, il servizio idrico, la raccolta dei rifiuti, lo Statuto Comunale, i servizi pubblici locali, il Piano Regolatore, il porto turistico, la qualità dell’aria, etc. Ci pare di essere stati una presenza scomoda tanto per il centrosinistra che per il centrodestra.
Di sicuro sconti non ne abbiamo fatti a nessuno.
2. Perché ci presentiamo sulla scena elettorale. La decisione di partecipare elections, a decision that many of us have taken reluctantly, is a gesture of no confidence in the local political class as a whole. For years we have done, sometimes together with other associations, a role as intermediaries between citizens and local institutions, and also a link between the society of ordinary people and the representation of political organizations, parties. For that role is no more space.
parties have disappeared either as carriers of ideas, analysis, proposals, becoming mostly the bands themselves, completely separate from the civil society and in perpetual struggle between them. Having parties in Italy have always overlapped with the institutions, so it happens that the decisions that count-not least at local and national-are concerted in limited circles, and usually non-institutional. So despite the repeated statements of transparency, public debate is often a comparison of pure facade, and the opposition is such in name only.
The city ends up being ruled by a handful of people, according to a logic known only to them. This also happens in our city, and this is first of all that must change.
3. What do we want to do. It is not the case, however, to blame the party that much. The local political class that is not the ultimate expression-and not necessarily the worst-political and civil life the city. This is filled, as always, by a plebeian tradition of localism, particularism, clientelism, personalism, which crosses all sides. This tradition is our real enemy.
Our battle, even before the political, civil and cultural life is a battle for the affirmation of diametrically opposite principles: legality, transparency, participation, accountability. Words, they say.
4. How we do it. If these words do not just want to stay, then the radical critique that we carry can only result in the indication of a radical change of method. It is difficult but not impossible. For the latter, some tools are already presenti nella normativa, e basterebbe applicarli; altri si potrebbero facilmente adottare. Non sono strumenti miracolosi, ma sarebbero probabilmente in grado, se gestiti con la necessaria convinzione, di imprimere per davvero una svolta. Stiamo parlando di:
- Bilancio Sociale (Art. 35 dello Statuto Comunale): un documento in cui di anno in anno il Comune rende conto ai cittadini delle politiche e dei servizi resi, mostra i risultati conseguiti in relazione agli obiettivi dichiarati, preventiva le azioni da intraprendere. Il tutto viene discusso in incontri pubblici con i cittadini. (Uno strumento di stampo sovietico? No. Nel 2004 ne ha redatto un manuale la Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, governo Berlusconi II)
- Inchiesta Pubblica (Art. 11, LR 11/99): una procedura, regolata dalla legge regionale, e definita in un orizzonte temporale certo, volta a “fornire una completa informazione” al pubblico sui progetti di maggiore impatto territoriale e ambientale, “e raccogliere osservazioni, proposte e controproposte al fine di acquisire tutti gli elementi necessari per una decisione ponderata sulla realizzazione dell’intervento”. Con questo strumento progetti quali il PRG (2001) e il PRP (2007) non sarebbero passati, com’è avvenuto, quasi all’insaputa della città.
- Carta dei Servizi (Artt. 10 e 12, LR 23/04; Dpcm 27 gennaio 1994, etc): un documento pubblico, redatto con il concorso delle associazioni dei cittadini and consumers, with which the managers of local public services (Pulchra, Weaver, etc.) "take on the user commitments designed to ensure controlled and predetermined levels of quality of service" and lay down the sanctions in case of non-compliance. It is a tool widely used elsewhere, but we have almost ignored.
- Establishment of an office specifically devoted to the problems of neighborhoods, which has a political reference, to which office citizens can pay individually or in partnership form.
- Establishment of Zonal Standing Committee for consultation and control, made by public authorities (County, Municipalities of Vasto, ARTA) and associations concerned, who keep an eye on the many critical environmental area (air, water, electro-smog, landfills, incinerators, nuclear, oil, etc.) and report periodically to the city.
5. The environmental issue. They have tried in recent years, to get us to fanatical environmentalists. Actually for us the question of the environment is reduced to trying to set a rational design, and-if possible-aware shared land management. A design that makes the private to the public interest and not vice versa. But this requires that the city will finally be a strategic focus and prioritize. In this perspective must be set the issue of the National Park of Costa Teatina. We propose that it be addressed in the manner of the public inquiry referred to above.
6. Who do we want to form an alliance. The proposals set out in paragraphs 4 and 5, it is clear, the proposed method. Of our program are those that seem to us absolutely essential and priority. Other any, of merit, gained over the years on which we will return.
Our point of reference, of course, is civil society, which make one last appeal urgently to participate in this undertaking. We invite interested citizens to contact us, and we ourselves will organize meetings with the world of associations. But there
also reach out to the camps already set up in view of the election campaign. And we say clearly that we are willing to ally with anyone-left, center or right-is willing to publicly accept our priorities, and give us the necessary guarantees. Provided that there is any. Otherwise we're going alone, or in the case, we will not go at all.
1. About Us. We have always defined a volunteer working in the field of politics. Our goal is to increase the city's civil. Growth civil means for us to escape from a local tradition (and not just local) delegation, clientelism, a sterile protest or quick removal from public life. I think this is the first emergency-even if not declared, of our city. Without civil growth is impossible to build anything lasting, as good and honest, and be of any color, administrators.
In eight years of activity we fought because some foundational assumptions of democracy such as information ai cittadini, la partecipazione diretta, il rispetto della legalità, fossero garantiti non solo a parole. Da qui sono nate quelle che abbiamo chiamato le nostre battaglie –battaglie non antagoniste- di civiltà. Queste ci hanno portato ad affrontare decine di temi, tra i quali: il centro storico, la tutela dell’ambiente, il servizio idrico, la raccolta dei rifiuti, lo Statuto Comunale, i servizi pubblici locali, il Piano Regolatore, il porto turistico, la qualità dell’aria, etc. Ci pare di essere stati una presenza scomoda tanto per il centrosinistra che per il centrodestra.
Di sicuro sconti non ne abbiamo fatti a nessuno.
2. Perché ci presentiamo sulla scena elettorale. La decisione di partecipare elections, a decision that many of us have taken reluctantly, is a gesture of no confidence in the local political class as a whole. For years we have done, sometimes together with other associations, a role as intermediaries between citizens and local institutions, and also a link between the society of ordinary people and the representation of political organizations, parties. For that role is no more space.
parties have disappeared either as carriers of ideas, analysis, proposals, becoming mostly the bands themselves, completely separate from the civil society and in perpetual struggle between them. Having parties in Italy have always overlapped with the institutions, so it happens that the decisions that count-not least at local and national-are concerted in limited circles, and usually non-institutional. So despite the repeated statements of transparency, public debate is often a comparison of pure facade, and the opposition is such in name only.
The city ends up being ruled by a handful of people, according to a logic known only to them. This also happens in our city, and this is first of all that must change.
3. What do we want to do. It is not the case, however, to blame the party that much. The local political class that is not the ultimate expression-and not necessarily the worst-political and civil life the city. This is filled, as always, by a plebeian tradition of localism, particularism, clientelism, personalism, which crosses all sides. This tradition is our real enemy.
Our battle, even before the political, civil and cultural life is a battle for the affirmation of diametrically opposite principles: legality, transparency, participation, accountability. Words, they say.
4. How we do it. If these words do not just want to stay, then the radical critique that we carry can only result in the indication of a radical change of method. It is difficult but not impossible. For the latter, some tools are already presenti nella normativa, e basterebbe applicarli; altri si potrebbero facilmente adottare. Non sono strumenti miracolosi, ma sarebbero probabilmente in grado, se gestiti con la necessaria convinzione, di imprimere per davvero una svolta. Stiamo parlando di:
- Bilancio Sociale (Art. 35 dello Statuto Comunale): un documento in cui di anno in anno il Comune rende conto ai cittadini delle politiche e dei servizi resi, mostra i risultati conseguiti in relazione agli obiettivi dichiarati, preventiva le azioni da intraprendere. Il tutto viene discusso in incontri pubblici con i cittadini. (Uno strumento di stampo sovietico? No. Nel 2004 ne ha redatto un manuale la Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, governo Berlusconi II)
- Inchiesta Pubblica (Art. 11, LR 11/99): una procedura, regolata dalla legge regionale, e definita in un orizzonte temporale certo, volta a “fornire una completa informazione” al pubblico sui progetti di maggiore impatto territoriale e ambientale, “e raccogliere osservazioni, proposte e controproposte al fine di acquisire tutti gli elementi necessari per una decisione ponderata sulla realizzazione dell’intervento”. Con questo strumento progetti quali il PRG (2001) e il PRP (2007) non sarebbero passati, com’è avvenuto, quasi all’insaputa della città.
- Carta dei Servizi (Artt. 10 e 12, LR 23/04; Dpcm 27 gennaio 1994, etc): un documento pubblico, redatto con il concorso delle associazioni dei cittadini and consumers, with which the managers of local public services (Pulchra, Weaver, etc.) "take on the user commitments designed to ensure controlled and predetermined levels of quality of service" and lay down the sanctions in case of non-compliance. It is a tool widely used elsewhere, but we have almost ignored.
- Establishment of an office specifically devoted to the problems of neighborhoods, which has a political reference, to which office citizens can pay individually or in partnership form.
- Establishment of Zonal Standing Committee for consultation and control, made by public authorities (County, Municipalities of Vasto, ARTA) and associations concerned, who keep an eye on the many critical environmental area (air, water, electro-smog, landfills, incinerators, nuclear, oil, etc.) and report periodically to the city.
5. The environmental issue. They have tried in recent years, to get us to fanatical environmentalists. Actually for us the question of the environment is reduced to trying to set a rational design, and-if possible-aware shared land management. A design that makes the private to the public interest and not vice versa. But this requires that the city will finally be a strategic focus and prioritize. In this perspective must be set the issue of the National Park of Costa Teatina. We propose that it be addressed in the manner of the public inquiry referred to above.
6. Who do we want to form an alliance. The proposals set out in paragraphs 4 and 5, it is clear, the proposed method. Of our program are those that seem to us absolutely essential and priority. Other any, of merit, gained over the years on which we will return.
Our point of reference, of course, is civil society, which make one last appeal urgently to participate in this undertaking. We invite interested citizens to contact us, and we ourselves will organize meetings with the world of associations. But there
also reach out to the camps already set up in view of the election campaign. And we say clearly that we are willing to ally with anyone-left, center or right-is willing to publicly accept our priorities, and give us the necessary guarantees. Provided that there is any. Otherwise we're going alone, or in the case, we will not go at all.
0 comments:
Post a Comment